References of "Lara Guerrero, Larisa Viridiana"
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See detailLa solidaridad con México no tiene fronteras
Lara Guerrero, Larisa Viridiana ULiege

Article for general public (2017)

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See detailRespuesta transnacional frente a catástrofes naturales: mexicanos reaccionando desde Bélgica como resultado de los terremotos
Lara Guerrero, Larisa Viridiana ULiege

in La Clé des Langues (2017)

El transnacionalismo es un fenómeno ampliamente estudiado entre los científicos sociales para definir los lazos que mantienen las comunidades migrantes entre su lugar de origen y su lugar de residencia ... [more ▼]

El transnacionalismo es un fenómeno ampliamente estudiado entre los científicos sociales para definir los lazos que mantienen las comunidades migrantes entre su lugar de origen y su lugar de residencia. En este artículo se postula que, en tiempo de crisis, las comunidades migrantes explotan las redes transnacionales sociales, políticas y económicas que han construido y mantenido como resultado de su experiencia migratoria. Asimismo, se sugiere que el flujo de información e intercambios entre las comunidades migrantes y sus países de origen se intensifican en situaciones de emergencia. Este artículo presenta evidencia empírica recolectada con la comunidad migrante mexicana en Bélgica después de los devastadores terremotos que ocurrieron el 7 y 19 de septiembre del 2017 en México. [less ▲]

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See detail¿Cómo enfrentar la crisis migratoria de haitianos y africanos en Baja California?
Lara Guerrero, Larisa Viridiana ULiege

Article for general public (2017)

De acuerdo con cifras del Instituto Nacional de Migración (INM), 3,700 migrantes originarios de Haití, Nigeria y El Congo, entre otros países africanos, residen en Baja California. La gran mayoría de ... [more ▼]

De acuerdo con cifras del Instituto Nacional de Migración (INM), 3,700 migrantes originarios de Haití, Nigeria y El Congo, entre otros países africanos, residen en Baja California. La gran mayoría de estos migrantes han llegado al norte del país con el sueño de cruzar hacia Estados Unidos; sin embargo, debido a las políticas de inmigración represivas estadounidenses, dichos extranjeros se han visto obligados a permanecer en el territorio nacional indefinidamente. Frente a esta nueva crisis migratoria que sufre nuestro país, diversas organizaciones cristianas y de protección social han brindado ayuda humanitaria a los migrantes. [less ▲]

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See detailLa relación Estado-diáspora: un reto para México
Lara Guerrero, Larisa Viridiana ULiege

Article for general public (2017)

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See detailPolitical spheres of transnational activism: merging social movements and migration theories
Lara Guerrero, Larisa Viridiana ULiege

Scientific conference (2017)

Migration theorists have analysed diaspora mobilisation largely focusing on three main features, the roles of the homeland, the hostland and the diaspora acting as a collective and relatively homogenous ... [more ▼]

Migration theorists have analysed diaspora mobilisation largely focusing on three main features, the roles of the homeland, the hostland and the diaspora acting as a collective and relatively homogenous social group (Østergaard-Nielsen 2003, Müller-Funk 2016). On the other hand, social movement theorists looking at migrant mobilisation, portray migrants as agents engaging in politics with the aim to gain rights and improve their precarious living situation in their hostland (Varela Huerta 2008). This scholarship emphasises the instrumental and identity reasons that inspire migrants to engage in political activism, predominately in their receiving society (Klandermans, Van der Toorn, and Van Stekelenburg 2008). Both the literature on migration and on social movements have contributed to the better understating of the initiation, development and success or eventual decline of political activism. Nevertheless, there are several theoretical gaps in each literature that can be covered by transferring some analytical tools from the other. In this essay, I aim to develop a framework to analyse transnational political activism in times of an ongoing conflict using key elements from both literatures. I merge elements of migration and social movements theories in order to recognise the role of migrants as rational and emotional individuals engaging in transnational protests concerning the politics of their country of origin. I also consider the role of international political regimes, emigration and immigration policies, and the constitution of a diaspora aiming to act collectively from abroad. To do so, this essay argues that migrants engaging in a conflict situation in their homeland interact and make use of five different interconnected and interdependent spheres of political activism: the transnational, the diaspora, the hostland, the homeland and the individual. These five political spheres manage to capture the complexity of the different phases of political engagement, the motivations and political opportunities sustaining the movements, the geographical spaces where protestors interact and the predominant role of emotions and subjectivity animating transnational political activism. [less ▲]

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See detailIs Political Transnationalism a Mechanism for Peacebuilding in the on-Going Security?
Lara Guerrero, Larisa Viridiana ULiege

Conference (2017)

From December 2006 through to the end of 2015, over 150,000 people were intentionally killed in Mexico. Accordingly, from 2006 to the present day, the number of murders and enforced disappearances related ... [more ▼]

From December 2006 through to the end of 2015, over 150,000 people were intentionally killed in Mexico. Accordingly, from 2006 to the present day, the number of murders and enforced disappearances related to organised crime in Mexico has skyrocketed. The United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime has indicated that from 2007 to 2010, Mexico was the country with the highest rate of increase in intentional homicides. The so-called “war” against organized crime has created a context of increasing insecurity and escalating violence, impunity and corruption across the entire country. Against the backdrop of the security crisis, members of Mexican society have organised national and transnational movements to denounce the government. For instance, some observers have hypothesised that the case of the 43 missing students of Ayotzinapa in September 2014 raised awareness amongst the Mexican population and bolstered their political engagement in both national territory and abroad. Mexicans living in the United States, Spain, France, Belgium, Australia, New Zealand and other places around the world have engaged politically to demonstrate their support for the victims and denounce the incapacity of the current State to govern. This paper looks at the political transnational movements organised by Mexican migrants living specifically in Brussels and Paris to answer the following question: Is political transnationalism a tool for peacebuilding for the Mexican on going security crisis? This paper evaluates how has transnational political activism changed the dynamics of the on-going conflict. [less ▲]

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See detailChallenging the concept of “failed states”
Lara Guerrero, Larisa Viridiana ULiege

Scientific conference (2015)

There is no real consensus on the definition of a “failed-state”. Some scholars focus on the capacity and effectiveness of the government to determine if a state is failed or not (Patrick, 2007). Other ... [more ▼]

There is no real consensus on the definition of a “failed-state”. Some scholars focus on the capacity and effectiveness of the government to determine if a state is failed or not (Patrick, 2007). Other indices such as the Index of State Weakness and the Fund for Peace’s Failed State Index underline the democratic character of state institutions in order to determine its level of failure (Call, 2010). Finally other scholars focus their argument on the legitimacy of the state (Kaplan, 2008), on the nature of the state (Gros, 2012), on the growth of criminal violence in a state (Rotberg, 2004), on the extractive institutions (Levitt, 2012) or on the states’ capacity to control its territory (Taylor, 2013). One of the main contributions on the theorization of the “failed state” is the “gap framework” developed by Call (2010). This framework unpacks the concept of “state failure” focusing on three gaps that the state is not able to provide when it is in the process of failure: capacity, security and legitimacy. Since “failure” is a relative term (Carment, 2003), the “gap framework" seems to be more useful than other definitions. Instead of attempting to quantify the degree of failure of a state, the gap framework provides a three dimensional scope useful to analyse the interplay between the government and the society in states in a more analytical way. This essay argues that the concept of “state failure” is not useful since it has never been applied to the Mexican state. Using the “gap framework” this essay aims to demonstrate that the Mexican state was failed from 2006 to 2012. The argument focuses of the war against drugs period (2006-2012) because the Mexican government found itself in an arena of competition among the drug cartels (Friedman, 2008, 2). After demonstrating that the Mexican State was failing during that period, the essay concludes that the “failed state” concept is a label used for geostrategic purposes and policymaking. Labelling the Mexican state as “failed-state” was not in the interest of the international community mainly because of its geographical position, its interdependence with the United States and because of its economic infrastructure. [less ▲]

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See detailLiving as a quasi-citizen in Japan: the Brazilian Nikkeijin diaspora
Lara Guerrero, Larisa Viridiana ULiege

Scientific conference (2015)

Circular migration has been portrayed as the ultimate solution for migration governance. In fact, policy makers and academics consider circular migration and other temporary forms of migration as a way to ... [more ▼]

Circular migration has been portrayed as the ultimate solution for migration governance. In fact, policy makers and academics consider circular migration and other temporary forms of migration as a way to obtain mutual gains for sending countries, receiving countries and migrants (Vertovec, 2007). Circular migration encompasses different type of processes such as temporary migration programs, return migration, limited term contracts and temporary visas (Yamashiro: 2013, Oda 2010a). In order to understand the advantages and disadvantages of circular migration, it is necessary to unpack each of these programs. The assumption that temporary migration is beneficial for emigration countries, immigration countries and migrants needs to be analysed more critically, since these programs have a transformative effect both in sending and receiving societies. For instance, in some cases temporary migration can disrupt the basis and components of citizenship, identity or ethnicity. One of the most representative cases to illustrate the disruptive effect of temporary programs in the social and political order is the case of Japanese-Brazilian migrants retuning to Japan (Hokara, 2002). Since 1990, the Japanese government approved a law that enables foreign nationals of Japanese ancestry to enter Japan as temporary workers. Several scholars have described this phenomenon as a “temporary status program”, “long term resident program” (Oda, 2010), “return migration program” (Touro, 2001) and “limited-term contracts” (Terasawa, 2000). One of the main contributions in the study of these Brazilian Nikkeijin (descendants of Japanese emigrants) is their conceptualization as secondary citizens (Yamanaka, 2003). According to Joppke (2007), citizenship has three different aspects: status, rights and identity. Using this framework, this essay argues that the Control and Refugee Recognition Act enabling Brazilian immigrants to return temporally to Japan has created a new status of quasi-citizenship. Analysing the circular migration of this population from this perspective enable us to understand the role of the Japanese government on shaping restrictive immigration laws and the living condition of the Nikkeijin. On the one hand, the first part of the essay argues that Nikkeijin migration is an instrument of social closure. The first part uses Joppke’s (2007) framework to demonstrate that Japanese-Brazilians are quasi-citizens in Japan with a legal status, economic rights and a common identity. On the other hand, the second part argues that there are three main obstacles that prevent this migrant community to be fully admitted as citizens. These three factors are the following: the state modelling and concerns role, the lack of accommodation of diversity in the Japanese society and finally the formation of a transnational community. [less ▲]

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See detailMexican and Colombian criminal diasporas
Lara Guerrero, Larisa Viridiana ULiege

Conference (2015)

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See detailIn what ways do natural resources influence the dynamics of armed conflicts?
Lara Guerrero, Larisa Viridiana ULiege

in Retos Internacionales (2014), 10

Natural resources have a determinant role in conflicts. Natural resources can in fact motivate the initiation, duration, or finalisation of a conflict. By analysing the most representative civil conflicts ... [more ▼]

Natural resources have a determinant role in conflicts. Natural resources can in fact motivate the initiation, duration, or finalisation of a conflict. By analysing the most representative civil conflicts in African countries after the Cold War, this essay explores the role of resources in each phase of the conflict. The essay looks specifically at the role of natural resources in the initiation, escalation, deescalation and cessation of conflicts (Jeong, 2008). It is concluded that resources can: motivate and shape the type of conflict taking place, determine the duration and intensity of the conflict, influence the peace and reconstruction processes after the end of the conflict. [less ▲]

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See detailThe Role of the Mexican Diaspora in National Emigration Policies
Lara Guerrero, Larisa Viridiana ULiege

Scientific conference (2014)

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See detailLa relación Estado-Diáspora: el caso Mexicano
Lara Guerrero, Larisa Viridiana ULiege

in Espacio Latinoamericano (2014), 7

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See detailThe Role of Criminal Diasporas in Drug Trafficking: Mexico and Colombia
Lara Guerrero, Larisa Viridiana ULiege

Master's dissertation (2014)

Drug trafficking is a growing security problem in Latin America, specifically for Mexico and Colombia. This paper aims to identify the role of the Mexican and Colombian ‘criminal diasporas’ in the four ... [more ▼]

Drug trafficking is a growing security problem in Latin America, specifically for Mexico and Colombia. This paper aims to identify the role of the Mexican and Colombian ‘criminal diasporas’ in the four different phases of drug trafficking: cultivation, production, transit and distribution. This paper introduces the notion of ‘criminal diaspora’ to unpack the connection between Mexican and Colombian criminal organisations and their respective migrants overseas involved in the narcotics trade. The notion of ‘criminal diaspora’ is useful in these case studies because it highlights the ethnic, identity and diasporic elements that characterise the migrant populations involved in Mexican and Colombian drug trade. The paper concludes that the role of the diasporic members in the whole process depends on their legal status, level of education and hierarchical status inside their respective drug trafficking organisation. [less ▲]

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See detailThe Role of the Mexican Diaspora in National Emigration Policies
Lara Guerrero, Larisa Viridiana ULiege

Master's dissertation (2013)

As a result of their increasing levels of empowerment back in their homeland countries, diasporas are emerging as international actors able to transform the nation-state in development and economic issues ... [more ▼]

As a result of their increasing levels of empowerment back in their homeland countries, diasporas are emerging as international actors able to transform the nation-state in development and economic issues, as traditional studies suggest, but also in the emigration policy-making process. Using an analysis of minutes from the plenary sessions of the Advisory Council of the Institute of Mexicans Abroad1 from 2003 to 2006, and several interviews conducted with Mexican politicians involved directly in the emigration policy process, this dissertation argues that the Mexican diaspora is an organized and empowered group capable of advocating its own interests, and has an active role in the formation of national emigration policies. The strategies from emigration states, such as Mexico, to engage with their diasporas have been analyzed in the field of migration studies mostly as a top-down process. It has been argued that states with high rates of emigrants deploy different strategies including capacity building, extending rights, and extracting obligations (Gamlen 2008a) to establish a transnational relation with their emigrants living abroad. Nevertheless, the role of diasporas has not been deeply analyzed in this process. In fact, the empowerment of diasporas as transnational actors capable of engaging with their state and creating their own networks to influence emigration policymaking has not been fully recognized. This dissertation aims to contribute to this field by exploring how the migrant vote is, in part, the result of the diaspora’s intense and active role in negotiating and convincing transnational allies. Thus, this study aims to investigate: 1) How and why the Mexican government engages with its diaspora; 2) The evolution of the relationship between the Mexican state and diaspora; 3) The integration of the diasporic voice in emigration policymaking; 4) The different channels of advocacy instituted by the Mexican diaspora. This research will yield a better understanding of (1) the relation between the diaspora and the Mexican state, (2) the engagement and empowerment of the Mexican diaspora and (3) the role of the Mexican state in the determination of emigration policies. This study discusses three main arguments. First, I argue that the consolidation of the Mexican diaspora as an actor involved in policymaking is the result of the interplay of interests with the Mexican state. Secondly, I argue that the Mexican diaspora has had a determinant role in the institutionalization of its relationship with the state, specifically with the foundation of the Institute of Mexicans Abroad (IME) and its Advisory Council (CCIME). Finally, I analyze the limitations of the official channels and the alternative means of communication developed by the Mexican diaspora to advocate its political and legal rights, specifically the right to vote from abroad. [less ▲]

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